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MIGRATION AND MAJOR
CITIES POLICY IN ROTTERDAM
5. Future prospects
5.1. Rotterdam 2005
With respect to the policy for
the future, Rotterdam city council has set out lines on the basis
of a city-wide discussion which took place in the Autumn of 1996:
New Rotterdam. Course 2005. This approach is a follow-up
to the urban programmes for economic renewal and social renewal
which have been on the political agenda for some time and which
have been forged into one whole in connection with the Major
Cities Policy. New in this connection is the city-wide discussion
aimed at finding a popular foundation for giving further
direction to the policy. In order to get the discussion with the
people of Rotterdam going, various instruments were deployed:
- Via the media, the
Rotterdammers received information on the themes which
the City Council wished to raise for discussion. They
were also requested to respond by answering a
questionnaire which was included in a free newspaper and
by writing letters.
- Individual
Rotterdammers and social organisations were also invited
to form work groups to discuss policy for the future. The
work groups were asked to summarise their findings in a
number of propositions.
- The city-wide
discussion was rounded off with a city congress where the
results of the questionnaire, the message from the
letters and the findings of the work groups were
presented. The conclusions of this congress were
submitted to the city council.
This approach is in keeping with
the principle of co-production of policy. This means that
the exchange of ideas on the policy with the target groups
involved already begins during the policy-preparation phase, when
the direction which the policy is to take is determined, and not
at the implementation stage, as is the case with public
consultation. This form of administrative innovation was placed
in a broader context in the city congress: revitalisation of the
urban culture.
In continuing the policy of
socio-economic renewal, two target groups will be paid more
attention in the future: the entrepreneurs and the ethnic
minorities. That is why these target groups will be looked at in
more detail below.
5.2 Activating entrepreneurs
A drastic change is taking place
in the role played by entrepreneurs in the city. When Rotterdam
city council decided, in 1989, to develop a programme of social
renewal, the question of whether the business community in
Rotterdam was prepared to support it was raised. Professor Schuyt
was commissioned to look into this. A team of researchers, under
his leadership, conducted the study in 1990. The concept civic
responsibility was chosen as basic principle. This concept is
in line with an American tradition and refers to a
widely-accepted cluster of business activities geared towards
alleviating social hardship. A number of representatives of large
companies were interviewed to see of they were prepared to bear
their social responsibilities. They reacted cautiously and there
was little tendency to allocate social responsibility to the
business community itself, although they welcomed the city
council's endeavour to improve contact with the business
community. Serving social needs was considered the exclusive
responsibility of the government. Apparently, labour costs and
taxes are too high in the Netherlands, combined with fierce
international competition, for companies to bear any social
responsibility.
Schuyt and his team of
researchers suggested that the tendency for companies to become
'footloose' was a possible explanation for the results found. The
links with the locality are weakening and companies are therefore
less interested in social issues. This can play a role but,
generally speaking, the footloose character of a company is
related to decisions on capital investments which are taken at
the head-office level of multinationals. The involvement of
companies with the local community is, on the other hand,
expressed in the decisions taken by local managers. The tendency
among companies to become increasingly footloose also implies a
pessimistic perspective when it comes to the social
responsibility of the business community, became the
internationalisation of the commercial sector continues to
increase. There is, however, another possible explanation which
points to a specific political-historical fact, namely that
during the past few decades the idea that social development was
primarily the responsibility of the government became popular in
the Netherlands, whilst entrepreneurs bore purely economic
responsibility. The idea of civic responsibility is not in
keeping with this. This political-historical fact can, in
contrast to the tendency among companies to become footloose, be
influenced by the local authorities.
The renewal of the urban culture
linked with the combination of economic and social renewal which
was set in motion in the first half of the nineties, is not in
keeping with the idea that entrepreneurs have purely an economic
responsibility. The entrepreneurs are expected, together with
local residents and the social midfield, to work actively on the
development of the city. Entrepreneurs can even be said to play a
crucial role here because economic recovery is an essential
precondition for combatting situations of deprivation. In this
context, the government is choosing a completely different
approach to entrepreneurs than previously. All effort is aimed at
public-private partnership which is attractive to the
entrepreneur on the basis of a win-win situation. In this
connection, one can speak of a transition from a supply-oriented
approach to a demand-oriented approach. A feature of
the supply-oriented approach is that the government tries to
steer the policy with respect to the business community by means
of regulation and subsidies. The available facilities are,
however, less useful to companies because they are not
sufficiently geared towards the needs and due to the complicated
regulations which discourage entrepreneurs from looking into the
possibilities on offer. The demand-oriented approach, on the
other hand, is based on the needs of the business community and
makes the facilities as accessible as possible to entrepreneurs.
This is the basis for the public-private partnership. An
important initiative in this connection is the Entrepreneurs'
Palace, a mobile facility by means of which entrepreneurs
from small and medium-sized business are visited locally with the
aim of arousing their enthusiasm for taking on new staff from
deprived neighbourhoods and supporting them with made-to-order
service. The project Heart for the City has made an
inventory, over a number of years, of inspiring examples of
cooperation between enterprises and government or non-profit
organisations and publicised them. An expression of social
responsibility on the part of entrepreneurs is, for instance,
their support for voluntary work via the programme Do
something for your city. In order to shape improvements to
communication with the entrepreneurs, entrepreneur platforms
have been established in the boroughs. These platforms are geared
towards solving problems which are experienced as obstacles by
firms in the local situation. In this way, support from
entrepreneurs is gradually built up, so that they become partners
in the further development of the Major Cities Policy.
5.3 Participation of ethnic
minorities
Deprivation among ethnic
minorities appears to be stubborn problem. Research suggests that
deprivation in the filed of education and work among the five
major ethnic groups in Rotterdam - the Turks, Moroccans,
Surinamers, Antillians and Cape Verdians - continues to exist in
the second generation. This conclusion also remains valid after a
procedure of 'matching', whereby the differences are checked
against a number of factors which cause the ethnic population to
deviate from the native population. An explanation on the basis
of a tendency towards segregation or reacting against Dutch
society does not hold water. From interviews with youngsters from
ethnic groups, it appears that they also have a desire to find a
place within Dutch society, but that the socio-economic
integration is inadequate despite this.
The participation of ethnic
minorities in the residential environment (neighbourhood
management) is lagging very much behind in Rotterdam, as in the
socio-economic sphere. Research into this (Migrants and
neighbourhood management in Rotterdam, by C. Bons, Erasmus
University Rotterdam, 1994) has revealed a participation
paradox, i.e.: the ethnic minorities appear to participate less
in relative terms but, on the other hand, have more
need to participate than the native Dutch. In this study, 339
people were interviewed, divided over four groups - Dutch,
Surinamers, Turks and Moroccans - in three areas of Rotterdam -
Feijenoord, Nieuwe Westen and Hillegersberg-Schiebroek. The
respondents were presented with 14 topics, such as rubbish on the
streets, no playgrounds for the children, too little greenery,
vandalism and crime. For all of these topics they were asked if
they considered it a problem. Then, for those topics which were
considered a problem, people were asked how they reacted to this,
if they took action themselves and, if not, if they were prepared
to cooperate if someone else took the initiative. It appeared
that the ethnic minorities are much less inclined to take action
than the native population (see scheme 5.1). The respondents were
also asked if they were prepared to help keep the neighbourhood
clean, whole and safe. The scores for the answers to the relevant
questions can be found in scheme 5.2.
Scheme 5.1 Participation in
neighbourhood management by various ethnic groups, compared
with each other
| |
Surinam |
Turkish |
Moroccan |
Dutch |
total |
| active |
35% |
19% |
26% |
51% |
39% |
| non-active |
65% |
81% |
74% |
49% |
62% |
| total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
| N |
66 |
67 |
38 |
156 |
327 |
Scheme 5.2 Willingness of
various ethnic groups to help, compared with each other
| |
Surinam |
Turkish |
Moroccan |
Dutch |
total |
| willingness
to help expressed in score of 0-10 |
4.2 |
7.1 |
5.6 |
3.0 |
4.3 |
| N |
54 |
62 |
30 |
144 |
290 |
A paradox becomes visible here:
although the ethnic minorities are much less active, they display
a much greater willingness to help. On closer analysis, it
appears that the contrast between willingness to help and actual
activism is linked with a number of other differences which
together form a pattern (see table 3). This pattern reveals two
contrasting groups. The more active nature of the Dutch
population correlates with a higher socio-economic status, less
religiousness, less conformity, more political, cultural and
social participation and greater knowledge of social renewal and
neighbourhood management. The greater willingness to help among
the ethnic minorities correlates with a lower socio-economic
status, more religiousness and conformity and more participation
in one's own circle (family, neighbourhood). People attach more
importance to the neighbourhood and have an idea of the
neighbourhood which is geared towards the direct vicinity. For
the ethnic minorities, it also applies that people are more
active the longer they have lived in the Netherlands, are more
familiar with the Dutch language, are more prepared to adapt and
identify less with their own national group.
Scheme 5.3 Contrast
pattern participation in neighbourhood management and
willingness to help
| active: |
willingness to help: |
| more
Dutch origin, more living alone, better educated,
higher income |
more
from ethnic minorities,more living together/at
home,less well educated, lower income
|
| less
religious and conformist |
more
conformist and religious, more deprivation re
income |
| more
political participation, cultural participation,
member of clubs, more voluntary work, more active
on committees |
less
participation in clubs, less voluntary work, much
less active on committees |
| |
more
religious participation, contacts with
family/neighbours |
| negative
assessment of liveability |
|
| |
image
of neighbourhood geared towards direct vicinity,
more importance attached to neighbourhood |
| more
knowledge of neighbourhood, much more familiar
with social renewal and neighbourhood management |
less
knowledge of neighbourhood |
| only
among ethnic minorities: |
only
among ethnic minorities: |
| longer
stay, more familiar with the Dutch language, more
acclimatised, less identification with own
national group |
shorter
stay |
A possible explanation for the
contrast pattern discovered can be sought in the tendency towards
individualisation which is much more advanced among the
Dutch population than the ethnic minorities. A more
individualistic way of life is in keeping with direct action when
there is reason for dissatisfaction, whilst a way of life which
is still focused on the collective, is more associated with the
tendency to wait for a sign from the powers that be or a group
initiative. Indications of a more collectivistic way of life can
be found among the ethnic minorities in the form of more
religiousness, a higher degree of conformity and more focus on
one's own circle. This way of life represents a handicap in
society which is highly individualised. It also provides an
explanation for the paradox that the ethnic minorities who often
indicate a greater willingness to help are less active in
practice. The conversion of their willingness into actual
participation is hindered by the gulf between the world in which
they live and the broader political, cultural and other social
relations. This gulf must be bridged. A policy of activation is
required to achieve this.
An example of such activation is
the participation of ethnic minorities in general voluntary work.
General bodies in Rotterdam also record lower levels of
participation in voluntary work among ethnic minorities. The
Participation of Ethnic Minorities Project (PPA) is an initiative
to change this situation. An initial start was made on this
project in 1994, the aim being to get 50 people from ethnic
minorities to serve as committee members of general
organisations. As of 1 January 1996, this has been followed up by
the endeavour to place 300 people from ethnic minorities in
administrative work and practical voluntary work with general
organisations.
The vision on which the PPA is
based is borne by the network of organisations for ethnic
minorities which steers the project. This vision encompasses the
necessity to reduce the under-representation of ethnic minorities
in general organisations. This is a problem for ethnic minorities
because they are unable to make sufficient use of the facilities
offered by the general organisations. It is a problem for the
general organisations because they are unable to reach part of
their target group. This applies mainly in a city like Rotterdam,
where a considerable proportion of the population is from an
ethnic minority. As they are under-represented in the committees
of the general organisations, their needs are not expressed in
the policy of these organisations and these organisations lose
some of their democratic legitimacy. As this is a problem which
touches both the ethnic minorities and the Dutch population, it
is the responsibility of both to do something about the
situation.
Important aspects of this vision
are the ideas that participation must be desired by the ethnic
groups themselves and geared towards acquiring more influence in
society. Ethnic minorities can contribute towards changes in
society, in the direction of a more multi-cultural community.
Thresholds for ethnic minorities do not disappear by themselves.
This means that the people themselves will have to act. Self-help
organisations for ethnic minorities are an essential support
here. More can be achieved if various organisations for ethnic
minorities work together. This vision deviates from one in which
ethnic minorities have to be 'helped' to feel at home in the
Netherlands and, in time, become incorporated into Dutch society.
It is mainly a question of ethnic minorities acquiring an
appropriate place within Dutch society. By participating actively
in general organisations, they can present themselves as partners
within Dutch society, without losing their own identity.
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