MIGRATION AND MAJOR CITIES POLICY IN ROTTERDAM

1. Migration to the Netherlands and Rotterdam

1.1 History

Migration is as old as humanity itself. There is no proof of immigration in the Netherlands prior to the Batavians, who entered the country at Lobith about two thousand years ago, but it is certain that large numbers of immigrants were not a strange sight in the Netherlands from the end of the sixteenth century onwards. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, over 10 percent of the Dutch population was estimated to have been born abroad. During the Eighty Years War, many people (including many tradespeople) came to Rotterdam from Flanders. They were followed by many others, such as Huguenots from France, Jewish refugees from Spain and Eastern Europe and migrant labourers from Germany and Belgium. In the Golden (17th) Age, large communities of immigrants were founded in our country.

After the Second World War, a huge flow of immigration started from, first of all, the former colony of the Dutch Indies, involving Dutch Indonesians and Molluccans. This latter group mainly settled together in 'Moluccan quarters' or 'camps'. Then came the 'guest workers' who, certainly in the early days (the fifties), were often badly housed and had to leave behind their families. Most of them came from Turkey, Morocco, Spain and Cape Verde. In the sixties, the system of recruiting 'guest workers' in a haphazard fashion ended, as the government wanted to do something about their often poor living and social conditions. Contracts were made with governments in the countries of origin (Greece, Yugoslavia, Morocco, Portugal, Spain, Tunisia and Turkey), with the intention that the guest workers would return to their country of origin once the contract had terminated. Many did in fact do so at the beginning. Often, the workers involved were poorly educated, usually men, who did menial work for which no Dutch people could be found, such as in the metal industry and the cleaning sector. It was hard, dirty and monotonous work, with irregular hours.

However, when an end came to the official recruitment as a result of the oil crisis of 1973, the growth in the number of foreign workers continued. Many decided to bring their families over to Rotterdam. In the seventies and eighties, large numbers of Surinamers and Antillians came to the Netherlands, attracted partly by Dutch prosperity. But highly qualified personnel also came from other industrialised countries, thanks to the favourable economic situation in the Netherlands. These were mainly Germans, Belgians and English. Since the end of the eighties, the number of refugees and those seeking asylum which Rotterdam takes in, on the basis of figures stipulated by central government, has increased considerably, due to political developments on the international scene. In 1995, 30,000 people came to Rotterdam seeking asylum.

 

1.2 Current situation

Unemployment

The many guest workers or foreign workers (Turks, Moroccans, Spaniards, Portuguese) came to the Netherlands, and therefore also to Rotterdam, in a period (the fifties, sixties and seventies) when there was a serious labour shortage. They were expressly requested to come to the Netherlands. However, due to factors such as a decrease in unskilled work and progressive automation, a shortage of work for unskilled personnel arose in the eighties. This was certainly the case in Rotterdam. Although the Dutch economy has been picking up again in the past few years and there is a fall in unemployment in the country as a whole, this has been less marked in Rotterdam. Many residents of Rotterdam are without paid employment at the moment and have to manage on welfare. There is a surplus of low-skilled and unskilled workers and migrants are over-represented in these two groups.

Of those registered as unemployed 44% (July 1996) were from ethnic minorities, whilst 22% of the working population of Rotterdam is of other than Dutch origin. Of the total number of unemployed, 36% are from ethnic minorities. Surinamers (12.2%) and Turks (10.3%) are the largest groups, followed by Moroccans (6.3%), Antillians/Arubans (3.8%) and Cape Verdians (2.8%). Those seeking work from the ethnic minorities are younger (21% under 25) than their Dutch counterparts (15% under 25). Of those on welfare (54,000) from the Department of Social Services and Employment, 29% have other than Dutch nationality and over one third are younger than 30. The corresponding proportion for Dutch nationals is 25%. The conclusion is that unemployment under ethnic minorities is disproportionately high, two to four times higher than among the native population. Furthermore, workers from ethnic minorities are over-represented in the lower sectors of the labour market. The chances of them moving on to higher positions are limited. This is related to the lower average level of education among the ethnic minorities (Turks and Moroccans in particular). This also applies to a great extent to the younger amongst them, although their position is improving. Various studies have revealed that discrimination has a negative effect on the position of youngsters from ethnic minorities when seeking work.

Generation gap

In the seventies, families started to be reunited. This meant that a generation grew up with much more contact with the Dutch language and culture, e.g. through school, than their parents. This 'second generation' and later the 'third generation' which was born in the Netherlands tends to feel more at home in the Dutch culture than that of their parents' native county. This often leads to conflicts with their parents.

The reunification of families also meant the arrival of the wives of those men who had first come to the Netherlands alone. In the Turkish and Moroccan communities in particular, the (older) women lead a solitary life. They often speak no Dutch, have few contacts outside the home and no (paid) work. The younger women, certainly those of the third generation, feel more Dutch than Turkish or Moroccan, and often only have a poor mastery of their parents' language.

Islam and the mosque play an important role for many Turks and Moroccans, in both the religions and cultural sense. The mosque is a meeting place, like a coffee bar or tea shop. In the nineties, the more or less mass arrival of 'traditional' migrants to Rotterdam ceased. Refugees and those seeking asylum now come to the Netherlands from all over the world.

Housing

In Rotterdam, most migrants settled, whether or not out of sheer necessity, in the old pre-war neighbourhoods. Many of them live in upstairs flats in the first and second ring of urban renewal areas around the centre. In a large number of streets and neighbourhoods in the city, ethnic minorities outnumber native Dutch. Some parts of neighbourhoods are inhabited solely by ethnic minorities. This can lead to tensions with the original local inhabitants. As Turkish and Moroccan families are so large, there is often a shortage of rooms and many are forced to live in a house which is too small. It is (usually) impossible for them to buy their own home. As a result of the large-scale urban renewal programme implemented in Rotterdam in the seventies and eighties, the quality of the housing, including that of the migrants, is not bad, generally speaking.

 

1.3 The five largest groups of migrants

Surinamers

The flow of Surinamers to the Netherlands got well under way after the Dutch colony of Surinam became independent in 1975. Many left their country from fear of ethnic disturbances and in the hope of making a better life in the land of the former coloniser. The military coup led by Sergeant Bouterse in 1980 also caused many people to leave for the Netherlands.

On 1 January 1996, the number in Rotterdam was about 47,000. They come from different ethnic groups, such as Hindustani, Creole and Javanese. 93% of the Surinamers in the city have Dutch citizenship and 67% were not born in Rotterdam.

They quite often live in the newer suburbs of Rotterdam, in the areas built from the sixties onwards. In comparison with the native population, they tend to live more in upstairs flats and less in family homes.

Most of them are very familiar with the Dutch language and culture as Dutch is the main language in schools in Surinam.

The Surinamers in Rotterdam are relatively young: 69% are younger than 35. The 47,000 Surinamers include 10,293 families, 6,358 of which are one-parent families.

Amongst each other, the Surinamers speak the languages they spoke in their mother country or learnt from their parents, such as Sranan Tongo or Hindi.

Almost 20% of them are illiterate and 11% semi-illiterate. In short, the educational situation of Surinamers is as follows: in 1988 43% of the primary school children went on to various forms of higher secondary education and 34% to lower secondary education. Not everyone completes the school of his or her choice.

Participation of Surinamers in the labour market is 66% for men and 49% for women. For the working population as a whole, this is 69.4% and 45.2% respectively. (Those inhabitants between 15 and 64 years of age who work at least twelve hours a week or are seeking work constitute the working population.)

Of those Surinamers registered as unemployed, 30.7% have less than low vocational education, 17.5% of them have been educated at mbo (intermediate vocational education), havo (general secondary education) or vwo (pre-university education) level and 5% wo (university education) or hbo (higher vocational education). For the Dutch, these figures are 24.7%, 19.7% and 15% respectively. Research carried out in 1995 revealed that 41.6% are in paid employment (Dutch 42.7%). No reliable information is available on use of social security provisions, as the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment does not register clients on the basis of their nationality. Some 93% of the Surinamers in the city have Dutch nationality, so that little can be said about the group as a separate entity. The total number of persons on welfare was in the region of 54,000 in July 1996. Nor are reliable figures on their health situation available as health institutions do not often record nationality.

Turks

The second largest group are the Turks (approximately 36,000 at 1 July 1996). Originating from the traditional contract labour scheme, this group has always tended to concentrate in the old urban renewal areas in the first and second ring around the centre. The thing which binds them, the older generation in particular, is the Islamic culture. They also include a relatively large number of small independent entrepreneurs, such as shop-keepers. The Kurds form a separate group, with their own language and culture.

36% of the Turks have Dutch nationality and 61% were not born in Rotterdam.

Here too, there is a large group of young people: 77% younger than 35. Of the total number of Turks in Rotterdam, there are 8,748 families, 1,045 of which are one-parent families. Amongst each other, the Turks tend to speak Turkish or some related dialect and the Kurds speak their own language. The young people, the third generation in particular, usually speak poorer Turkish than their parents.

An estimated 80% of the Turkish men over the 36 to 40, the more elderly or the 'first generation labour migrants', and 90% of the women, are (semi) illiterate in the Dutch language. Of the men up to 36 and the 'second generation', up to about 35%, and 45% of the women, are semi-illiterate in Dutch. 25% of the older Turkish men and 40% of the older women are (semi-)illiterate in Turkish. This has negative consequences for learning Dutch, because anyone with a poor mastery of his 'own' language will find it more difficult to learn a new one.

52% of Turkish primary school children go on to some form of lower secondary education. 7% of the Turkish students in secondary education leave the chosen school and change to a different type of school (Dutch students 4%).

57% of Turkish men and 14% of the women participate in the labour market. Of those Turks registered unemployed with the labour exchange, 56% have less than lower vocational education, 11% have an mbo, havo or vwo education and 2.4% a hbo or wo education. Research carried out in 1995 revealed that 18% of those questioned were in paid employment.

Moroccans

On 1 January 1996, there were approximately 25,000 Moroccans in Rotterdam. In terms of labour migration, they have many similarities with the Turkish community. For them too, the Islamic culture is a uniting element.

27% have Dutch nationality. 65% of the Moroccans were not born in Rotterdam. Here too, the percentage of young people is high: 78% younger than 35. The Moroccan community consists of 4,892 families, 545 of which are one-parent families. The family usually consists of more than a father, mother and one or more children. Grandparents often live with them.

The young people often find themselves living in two cultures, that of the home and that of the street and school. This sometimes creates conflicts: things which aren't allowed at home are elsewhere. Police figures show that a relatively large number of young Moroccans are among those arrested for committing some kind of offence.

Over 80% of the older Moroccan men and 95% of the women are believed to be (semi-)illiterate in the Dutch language. For the younger Moroccans, these percentages are 60 and 70 respectively. In their own language (Standard Arabic, not usually their mother tongue) 70% of the older men and 90% of the older women are (semi-)illiterate. For younger men, this percentage is 45 and for the younger women 55.

56% of the Moroccan primary school children go on to some form of lower secondary education. 8% of the Moroccan students in secondary education leave the school of their first choice for a different type of school.

50% of Moroccan men and 18% of the women participate in the labour market. The educational level of those Moroccans registered unemployed is as follows: 63% have less than lower vocational education, 8% have an mbo, havo or vwo education and 2.7% a hbo or wo education. From a questionnaire conducted in 1995, it appears that 23.1% of the Moroccans are in paid employment.

Cape Verdians

The Cape Verdians form a rather special group. The Cape Verdian community in Rotterdam is the second largest in Europe, after Lisbon, with 13,500 at 1 January 1996. In national terms, they form a limited group, in total some 15,000. The first Cape Verdians came to Rotterdam in the first half of the fifties. Most of them were sailors at the time. They signed on in Rotterdam and lived in boarding houses there between voyages. Following the independence of the Cape Verde Islands from Portugal in 1975, a new wave of emigration started. Now it was not sailors, but school-leavers, petty officials and teachers, for instance. Families also started to be reunited. The Cape Verdian immigrants are also referred to as the 'silent migrants'. Little is known about them and they keep very much to themselves.

One striking point is that 85% of them have Dutch nationality. This makes it difficult to identify them in the statistics. 65% of the Cape Verdians were not born in Rotterdam and 67% are younger than 35. The community consists of 3,053 families, 1,369 of which are one-parent families.

They speak Portuguese, Crioulo and Dutch. An estimated 80% of the Cape Verdians over 40 can hardly read or write. Of the younger people under 30, about 30% can probably read, but not write, Crioulo.

52% of the Cape Verdian primary school children go on to some form of lower secondary education and 2% ultimately leave the school of their first choice.

Participation in the labour market is very close to average, with 67% for men and 48% for women. 57% of Cape Verdians seeking work have less than lower vocational education, 9.3% have an mbo, havo or vwo education and 0.89% a hbo or wo education. From a questionnaire conducted in 1995, it appears that 67.9% are in paid employment, way above the Dutch average (42.7%).

Many Cape Verdians live in the urban renewal areas in the first or second ring and in upstairs flats in neighbourhoods built since the sixties, in the fifth ring.

Antillians

The last group to be described here consists of the Antillians, originating from a number of islands (still) belonging to the Dutch in the Caribbean, including Aruba, Bonaire and Curacoa. At 1 January 1996, there were 11,700 Antillians in Rotterdam. 76% of them were not born in Rotterdam.

73% of this group is younger than 35. Police statistics reveal that many Antillian youths are among those booked. Crime among this group has resulted in a specific policy geared towards Antillian youth. This applies mainly to the neighbourhood Hoogvliet where many Antillians live. In Hoogvliet, there are many blocks of flats dating from the fifties, sixties and seventies.

This population group has 2,242 families, 1,713 of which are one-parent families. A striking feature is that the mother is the dominant figure in the family (this also applies to Surinamers and Cape Verdians). The men often live elsewhere and have children with various women.

Most Antillians only came to Rotterdam in the eighties and nineties, to study or work, for instance.

37% of Antillian primary school children go on to lower secondary education and 47% to higher secondary education, a better score than for the other groups of migrants (Turks, Moroccans and Cape Verdians). The high percentage of drop-outs in secondary education is striking, with 15% changing school for another type. Participation in the labour market is similar to average, 65% for man and 47% for women. Of those Antillians in search of work, 32% have less than lower vocational education. From a questionnaire conducted in 1995, it appears that 44.4% are in paid employment, a little above that for the Dutch (42.7%)

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